UN Human Rights Treaties

UNITED NATIONS GENERAL ASSEMBLY PROVTSIONAL A/36/PV.73 28 November l98l ENGLISH Thirty-sixth session GENERAL ASSEMBLY PROVISIONAL VERBATIM RECORD OF THE SEVEHTY-THIRD MEETING Held at Headquarters, New York, on Wednesday, 25 November 1981 at 3 p.m. President: Mr. MAVROMMATIS (Cyprus) (Vice-President) later: Mr. NAIK (Pakistan) (Vice-President) Review and co-ordination of human rights programmes of organizations in the United Rations system and co-operation with other international programmes in the field of human rights: report of the Third Committee /73/ Elimination of all forms of religious intolerance: report of the Third Committee /75/ Human rights and scientific and technological developments: report of the Third Committee /85/ Question of a convention on the rights of the child: report of the Third Committee /56/ International Covenants on Human Rights: report of the Third Committee /87/ Torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment: report of the Third Committee /91/ This record contains the original text of speeches delivered in English and interpretations of speeches in the other languages. The final text will be printed in the Official. Records of the General Assembly. Corrections should be submitted to original. speeches only. They should be sent under the signature of a meaner of the delegation concerned, within one week. to the Chief of the Official Records Editing Section, Department of Conference Se: /ices, room A-3550, 866 United Nations Plaza, and incorporated in a copy of the record. 81-62735/A A/35S/W.73 - Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and. Peoples: report of the Fourth Committee (Part- III) (Specific Territories) /19/ - Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples: /19/ (continued) (a) Report of the Special Committee (b) Report of the Secretary-General (c) Draft resolutions (d) Report of the Fifth Committee (e) Letter from Denmark - Programmes of work IM/2 A/36/PV.73 2-5 The meeting was called to order at 3.20 p.m. AGENDA ITEMS 73, 75, 85, 86, 87 AND 91 REVIEW AND CO-ORDINATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS PROGRAMMES OF ORGANIZATIONS IN THE UNITED NATIONS SYSTEM AND CO-OPESATION WITH OTHER INTERNATIONAL PROGRAMMES IN THE FIELD OF HUMAN RIGHTS: REPORT OF THE THIRD-COMMITTEE (A/36/692) ELIMINATIONS OF ALL FROMS OF RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE: REPORT OF THE THIRD COMMITTEE (A/36/604) HUMAN RIGHTS AND SCIENTIFIC AM) TECHNOLOGICAL DEVELOPMENTS: ' REPORT OF THE THIRD COMMITTEE (A/36/661) QUESTION OF A CONVENTION OF THE RIGHTS OF THE CHILD REPORT OF THE THIRD COMMITTEE (A/36/662) INTERNATIONAL COVENANTS OH HOMAN RIGHTS: REPORT OF THE THIRD COMMITTEE (A/36/663) TORTURE AND OTHER CRUEL, INHUMAN OR DEGRADING TREATMENT OR PUNISHMENT: REPORT OF THE THIRD COMMITTEE (A/36/685) Mr. Fujii (Japan), Rapporteur of the Third Committee, presented the reports. of that Committee (A/36/692, A/36/684, A/36/661, A/36/662, A/36/663 and A/36/685) and then spoke as follows: Mr. FUJII (Japan), Rapporteur of the Third Committee: I have the honour to present to the General Assembly the six reports of the Third Committee on agenda items 73, 75, 86, 86, 87 and 91, respectively, The first report relates to agenda item 73 "Review and co-ordinations of human rights programmes of organisations in the United Nations system and co¬operation with other, international programmes in the field of human rights," and is contained in document A/36/692, The Committee considered this item together with' agenda item 79, but did not take any action or it. BG/3 A/36/PV.73 6 (Mr. Fujii. Rapporteur. Third Committee) The report on agenda item 75, entitled "Elimination of all forms of religious intolerance", is contained in document A/36/684. Under this item the Committee recommends that the General Assembly adopt the draft resolution and draft decision -contained in paragraphs 10 and 11, respectively, of the report. The draft resolution is entitled "Declaration on the elimination of all forms of intolerance and of discrimination based on religion or belief" and was adopted without a vote. The draft decision, which is closely related to the draft resolution and is procedural in nature, was also adopted without a vote. The report on agenda item 85, entitled "Human rights and scientific and technological .developments is contained in document A/36/661. The Committee adopted two draft resolutions and one draft decision which are contained in paragraphs 13 and 19, respectively. The two draft resolutions bear the same title as the item. Draft resolution A was adopted by a vote, and draft resolution B was adopted without a vote. The draft decision, which also bears the sane title as the item, was adopted without a vote. The next report relates to agenda it' a 86, entitled "Question of a convention on the rights of the child", and is contained in document A/36/662. The Committee adopted the draft resolution contained in paragraph 7 of the report without a vote. The report on agenda item 87, entitled "International Covenants on Human Rights", is contained in document A/36/663. The Committee recommends that the Genera" Assembly adopt the two draft resolutions contained in paragraph 10 of this report. Draft resolution I has the same title as the item and was adopted without a vote. Draft resolution II entitled "Capital punishment" was also adopted without a vote. The final report of the Third Committee for this afternoon relates to agenda item 91. entitled "Torture and other cruel inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment", is contained in document A/36/685. The Committee, having considered two draft resolutions and one draft decision under this item, recommends that the General Assembly adopt the two draft resolutions contained in paragraph 14 of that report. Draft resolution I, which bears the same title, as the item, was adopted without a vote. Draft resolution II is entitled "Draft code of medical ethics" and was also adopted without a vote. BG/3 A/36/PV.T3 7 The PRESIDENT: If there is no proposal under rule 66 of the rules of procedure, I shall take it that the General Assembly decides not to discuss the six reports of the Third Committee. It was so decided. The PRESIDENT: Statements will therefore be limited to explanations of vote. The positions of delegations on the various recommendations of the Third Committee have been made clear in the Committee and are reflected in the relevant official records. May I remind members that, under decision 34/401 the General Assembly agreed that, when the same draft resolution is considered in a Main Committee and in the plenary Assembly, a delegation should, as far as possible, explain its vote only once, that is either in the Committee or in the plenary Assembly, unless that delegation's vote in the plenary Assembly is different from its vote in the Committee. ray I also remind members that, in accordance with decision 34/401t explanations of vote should not exceed 10 minutes and should be made by representatives from their seats. He snail consider first the Third Committee's report on agenda item 73, entitled "Review and co-ordination of human rights programmes of organizations in the United Nations system and co-operation with other international programmes in the field of human rights". The Committee's report is contained in document A/36/692. Since the Committee makes no recommendation to the plenary Assembly on this item, I propose that the General Assembly take note of the report. If I hear no objection, it will be s6 decided. It was so decided.' The PRESIPENT: That concludes our consideration of agenda item 73. The Assembly will now consider the report of the Third Committee" on agenda item 75. entitled "Elimination of all forms of religious intolerance" (A/36/684), BG/3 * A/36/PV.73 6-10 (The President) The Assembly will now take a decision on the recommendations of the Third Committee contained in paragraphs 10 and 11 of it a report. The draft resolution entitled "Declaration on the Elimination of All Forms of Intolerance and of Discrimination Based on Religion or Belief", recommended by the Third Committee in paragraph 10 of its report, was adopted by the Committee without a vote. May I take it that the General Assembly wishes to do the same:. The draft resolution was adopted (resolution 36/55)). The PRESIDENT: I incite representatives to turn their attention to the draft decision contained in paragraph 11 of document A/36/684. The Third Committee adopted that draft decision without a vote. May I take it that the General Assembly wishes to do the same? The draft decision was Adopted. The PRESIDENT: I shall now call on those representatives who wish to explain their vote after the vote. Mr. WALXATE (Netherlands): It is with a particular, feeling of Joy, gratitude and relief that my delegation has witnessed the adoption by the General Assembly, of the Declaration .on the Elimination of All Forms of Intolerance and of Discrimination Based on Religion or Belief without a vote. The history of the long road at the end of which we now stand has offer, been recalled. It has been a road that was long, arduous and full of obstacles. The Netherlands delegation recalls with respect how the two Chairmen of the Working Group of the Commission on Human Rights over the past seven years -Ambassador Yvon Beaulne of Canada and Judge Abdoulaye Dieye of Senegal -have conducted the negotiations of delegations participating actively in the legislative process. Standing at the end of this road, we must at the same time realize that we still have another long and equally arduous road ahead of us, the road of compliance with the principles and rights contained in this Declaration. MP/elv A/36/PV.73 11 Mr. Halkate Netherlands It would, of course, be naive to believe that as from today all religious discrimination and intolerance will have been eliminated by the mere adoption of this text. All States Members of this great Organization have an obligation under the Charter to promote the observance of human rights, and by adopting the Declaration they have indicated their commitment to comply with that obligation. All individuals under the Jurisdiction of the Member States have the right to remind their Governments of that obligation and may avail themselves of the rights set forth in the Declaration. The Declaration is an impressive elaboration of the rights and freedoms contained in article 18 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and of article 18 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, both dealing with the rights to freedom of thought, conscience and religion. As article 8 of the Declaration Just adopted rightly confirms, those rights and freedoms stand, and cannot be affected by the present Declaration. In particular, the exercise of the right to maintain, change and manifest one's religion or belief should be seen as a healthy sign of freedom and democracy. My country, the Kingdom of the Netherlands, celebrates this year the fact that 400 years ago. in 1581, the so-called Dutch Declaration of Independence was signed by the representatives of the seven united provinces of the Netherlands. It was an act of rebellion against the overeign and in favour of political independence. It was, at the same time, an act of rebellion against the policy of religious intolerance and discrimination in favour of ritual independence: the freedom to have and manifest a religion on belief of one's choice. MP/alv A/36/PV.73 12 (Mr. Halkate. Netherlands) The Declaration the 157 lumbers of the United Nations have today adopted without a rote underlines the eternal value of such independence. Mr. RIGIN (Indonesia); My delegation supports the general thrust of the draft declaration in document A/36/664, Just adored. However, my delegation has some reservations concerning article 1, paragraph 2. As we made clear in our statement in the Third Committee, it is of the utmost importance to draw an explicit distinction between "coercion1,, which we all abhor" and is therefore to be prohibited, and "persuasion" which is dependent upon impermissible .material incentives with adverse consequences. It is only through such an approach that' we can support and enhance the principles and philosophy or religious tolerance to which we are all committed, And it is for these reasons that my delegation in the Third Committee suggested the insertion of the words "any kind of persuasion" between the words "coercion” and "which" in article 1 (2).and also At the end of the paragraphs the insertion "of the words "therefore any act which leads to such practices is inadmissible". The inclusion of those words, in my delegation's View, would add further clarity and render our approach to the issue of religious freedoms and rights more balanced" Sir Anthony PARSOMS (United Kingdom): My delegation wishes to say a few words on behalf of the member States of the European Community on "I the occasion of the adoption by the General Assembly of the Declaration on the Elimination of All Forms of Intolerance and Discrimination Based on Religion or Belief. In the statement which my delegation delivered under item 75 in the Third Committee on behalf of the member States of the European Community we expressed our view that the adoption of the draft declaration by the Commission on Human Rights and by the Economic and Social Council earlier this year was the major achievement of those two bodies, and our hope that the Third Committee would adopt it without further delay - preferably by consensus - and thereby conclude action on this important piece of unfinished business. MP/alv A/36/PV.73 13 (Sir Anthony Parson United Kingdom) The member States of the European Community are accordingly very pleased and satisfied that this Declaration baa now been adopted by the Third Committee and by this Assembly. Its adoption in a major landmark in the promotion and protection of human rights in this important and fundamental field. We should like to take this occasion to express our gratitude to all delegations and to the Chairman of the Third Committee, who helped to bring about this. happy result. Mr. MAHALATI (Irun): I should like to express my delegation's reservation to the effect that we accept the draft resolution and the Declaration Just adopted in so far, as they arc in total conformity with Islamic Jurisprudence. . The PRESIDENT: I sincerely hope the Assembly will understand if I say a few words in respect of this auspicious and .extremely gratifying event, the adoption especially without a vote - of the Declaration on religious intolerance. I am supremely proud to be a former member of the Third Committee, And I retain an extremely keen interest in the matter, being the Chairman of the Human Rights Committee under the Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. So it is a matter of extreme gratification for me personally and I au sure for every one of us here, that the Declaration and the decision have been adopted unanimously. May I specifically express our gratitude - and I am sure I sneak for all of us to the current Chairman of the Third Committee and to the Chairmen of the two groups Ambassador Beaulne and ray dear friend and colleague in the Human Rights Committee, Judge Dieye, who have spared no effort to ensure this extremely gratifying result, the adoption of this Declaration. we have thus concluded our consideration of agenda item 75. MP/alv A/36/PV.73 The PRESIDENT; we shall now take up agenda item 85 s entitled "Hunan rights and technological developments"'. The report of the Third Committee is in document A/35/661. The recommendations of the Third Committee are in paragraphs 13 and 19 of its report. The Assembly will take a decision first on draft resolution A. A recorded vote has been requested. A recorded vote was taken. In favour: Afghanistan, Algeria, Angola, Argentina, Bahamas, Bahrain, Bangladesh, Barbados, Benin, Bhutan, Bolivia, Botswana, Brazil, Bulgaria, Burma, Burundi, Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic, Cape Verde, Central African Republic, Chad, Chile, China, Colombia, Comoros, Congo, Costa Rica, Cuba, Cyprus, Czechoslovakia, Democratic Kampuchea, Democratic Yemen, Djibouti, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Egypt, El Salvador, Ethiopia, Fiji, Gabon, Gambia, German Democratic Republic, Grenada, Guinea, Guyana, Haiti, Honduras, Hungary, India, Indonesia, Iran, Iraq, Ivory Coast, Jamaica, Japan, Jordan, Kenya, Kuwait, Lao People's Democratic Republic, Lebanon, Lesotho, Liberia, Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, Madagascar, Malaysia Maldives, Mali, Malta, Mauritania, Mauritius, Mexico, Mongolia, Morocco, Mozambique, Nepal, Nicaragua, Niger, Nigeria, Oman, Pakistan, Panama, Papua New Guinea, Paraguay, Peru, Philippines, Poland, Qatar, Romania, Rwanda, Sao Tome and Principle, Saudi Arabia, Senegal, Seychelles, Sierra Leone, Singapore, Somalia, Sri Lanka, Sudan, Suriname, Swaziland, Syrian Arab Republic, Thailand, Togo, Trinidad and Tobago, Tunisia, Uganda, Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, United Arab Emirates, United Republic of Cameroon, United Republic of Tanzania, Upper Volta , Uruguay, Venezuela, Viet Nam, Yemen, Yugoslavia, Zaire, Zambia, Zimbabwe MP/alv A/36/PV.73 15 Against; None Abstaining: Australia, Austria, Belgium.. Canada, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Federal Republic of, Greece, Iceland, Ireland, Israel, Italy, Luxembourg, Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Portugal, Solomon Islands, Spain, Sweden, Turkey, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, United States of America Draft resolution A was adopted by 119 votes to none, with 24 abstentions (resolution 35/56 A).* "Subsequently, the delegations of Guinea-Bissau and Samoa advised the Secretariat that they had intended to vote in favour; the deletion of Malawi had intended to abstain, MP/alv A/3S/JV.73 16 The PRESIDENT: The Assembly will now take a decision on draft resolution B. The Third Committee adopted that draft resolution without a vote. May I Take it that the General Assembly wishes to do so also? Draft resolution B was adopted, (resolution 36/56 B). The PRESIDENT: He turn now to the draft decision recommended by the Third Committee in paragraph 19 of its report, The Committee adopted the draft decision without a vote. Hay I take it that the General Assembly also wishes to do so? The draft decision was adopted. The PRESIDENT: we have concluded our consideration of agenda item 85. The Assembly will now turn its attention to agenda item 86, entitled "Question of a convention on the rights of the child”. The report of the Third Committee is contained in document A/36/662. The Assembly will take a decision on the draft resolution recommended by the Third Committee in paragraph 7 of its report. It was adopted by the Committee without a vote. Hay I take it that the General Assembly wishes to do the same? The draft resolution was adopted (resolution 36/57). The PRESIDENT: He have concluded our consideration of agenda item 86. we turn now to agenda item 37. entitled International Covenants on Human Rights". The Third Committee's report is contained in document A/36/663. The Assembly will take decisions on the draft resolutions recommended by the Third Committee in paragraph 10 of its report. Draft resolution I is entitled "International Covenants on Human Rights". The Third Committee adopted that draft resolution without a vote- May I take it that the General Assembly wishes to do so also? 17-20 - * The PRESIDENT; Draft resolution II is entitled "Capital Punishment1'. The Third Committee adopted that draft resolution without a vote, May I take it that the General Assembly also wishes to do so? Draft resolution II was adopted (resolution 36/59). The PRESIDENT We have concluded our consideration of agenda item 87. Allow me to say once again, in my capacity as Chairman of one of the organs established under the Covenants, how extremely pleased I am that the Assembly is unanimous in respect of the Covenants. I would add my own hope and plea for couplet universality in regard to ratification of these extremely important Covenants. The Assembly will now turn to the report of the Third Committee on agenda item 91. entitled "Torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment. The report is contained in document A/36/685. The Assembly will take decisions on the two draft resolutions recommended by the Third Committee in paragraph 14 of that report. Both were adopted without a vote in the Committee. Draft resolution I is entitled "Torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment11. May I take it that it is the wish of the General Assembly to adopt that draft resolution? Draft resolution I was adopted (resolution 36/60). The PRESIDENT: we turn next to draft resolution II, entitled 'Draft Code of Medical Ethics". May I take it that the General Assembly wishes to adopt that draft resolution? Draft resolution II was adopted (resolution 36/61). The PRESIDENT: We have thus concluded our consideration of agenda item 91- MLG/jic A/3C/PV.73 21 AGENDA ITEM 19 (SPECIFIC TERRITORIES) EMPIMANTIONS OF THE DECLARATION OH THE GRANTING OP INDEPENDENCE TO COLONIAL COUNTRIES AND PEOPLES: REPORT OF THE FOURTH COMMITTEE (PART HI) (A/36/677/Add.2) The PRBSIDENT: The Assembly will now consider part HI of the report of the Fourth Committee on agenda item 19, concerning some chapters of the report of the Special Committee relating to specific Territories not covered by other agenda items. The report of the Fourth Committee is contained in document A/36/677/Add.2 If there is no proposal under rule 66 of the rules of procedure, I shall take it that the General Assembly decides not to discuss the report of the Fourth Committee. It was so decided. The PRESIDENT: Therefore statements will be limited to explanations of vote. The positions of delegations regarding the various recommendations of the Fourth Committee have been : lade clear in the Committee and are reflected in the relevant official records. May I remind Members that, under decision 34/401, the General Assembly agreed that When the same draft resolution is considered in a Main Committee and in the plenary meeting, a delegation should, as far as possible, explain its vote only once, that is, either in the Committee or in the plenary meeting, unless that legation's vote in the plenary meeting is different from its vote in the Committee. May I also remind Members that, again in accordance with decision 34/401, explanations of vote should not exceed 10 minutes and should be made by delegations from their seats. The Assembly will now proceed to take decisions on the recommendations of the Fourth Committee. In paragraph 30 of the report in document A/36/677 (Add.2) the Committee recommends the adoption of two draft resolutions by the Assembly. MLG/Jlc A/36/PV.73 22 (The President) we Khali vote first on draft resolution I, entitled "Questions of Bermuda„ the British Virgin Islands, Montserrat, the Cayman Islands and the Turks and Caicos Islands". Draft _resolution. I was adopted by 117 votes to none with 2 abstentions (resolution 36/62). The PRESIDENT: The Assembly will now vote on draft resolution II, entitled "Question of Guam". Draft resolution II was adopted by 119 votes to none (resolution 36/63). The PRESIDENT: I now invite representatives to turn to the draft decisions recommended by the Fourth Committee in paragraph 3 of its report document A/36/677/Add.2. Draft decision I deals with the question of Brunei. The Fourth Committee adopted draft decision I without objection. May I take it that the General Assembly wishes to do the same? Draft decision I was adopted, The PRESIDENT: Draft decision II relates to the question of Pitcairn. The Fourth Committee adopted draft decision II without objection. May I take it that the General Assembly wishes to do the same? Draft decision II was adopted. The PRESIDENT: Draft decision III deals with the question of the Falkland Islands (Malvinas). The Fourth Committee adopted draft decision III without objection. May I take it that the General Assembly wishes to do the same? Draft decision III was adopted. The PRESIDENT: Draft decision IV relates to the question of St. Kitts-Nevis. The Fourth Committee adopted draft decision IV without objection. May I take it that the General Assembly wishes to do the same? Draft decision IV was adopted. . '-'.' MLG/Jlc A/36/PV.73 23-85 The PRESIDENT: Draft decision V relates to the question of Anguilla. The Fourth Committee adopted draft decision V without objection. May I take it that the General Assembly wishes to do the same? * Draft decision Y was adopted . AGENDA ITIM 19 (continued) IMPLEMENTATION OF THE DECLARATION ON THE GRANTING OF INDEPENDENCE TO COLONIAL COUNTRIES AND PEOPLES: (a) REPORT OF THE SPECIAL COMMITTEE (A/36/23; A/AC.109/643 to 646, 647 and Corr.1, 648 to 651, 654, 657, 659, 661, 662 and Corr.1, 667, 670 to 672) '(b) REPORT OF THE SECRETARY-GENERAL (A/36/602) . (c) DRAFT RESOLUTIONS (A/i6/L.20\ A/36/L.21) (d) REPORT OF THE FIFTH COMMITTEE (A/36/716) (e) LETTER FROM DENMARK (A/36/626) BHS/bhg A/36/PV.73 26 Sir Anthony PARSONS (United Kingdom): My delegation has already set cut, in the Fourth Committee on 28 October, in the debate on snail Territories, the guiding principles of United Kingdom policies on our remaining dependent Territories. In the Committee of 24 last summer, there were more detailed debates on recent developments in those Territories. The General Assembly thus has ample documentation on them. X nevertheless feel constrained to speak in this plenary Assembly debate. It purports to address the whole range of issues connected with decolonization. But the two draft resolutions before us take no account of the reality of decolonization today. In the reports on individual Territories the Committee of 24 and the Fourth Committee have sent to the General Assembly a comprehensive, well-researched and, for the most part, balanced set of papers. But the authors of those draft resolutions seem to live in an Imaginary world and to be unaware of what has happened during the 35 years of decolonization. All they have to offer is the shopworn shibboleths and dogmas of yesteryear. Moreover, there seems to be a certain confusion over what subjects these draft resolutions should address. Their authors seem to have their can private language. For them "colonialism11 apparently means only the situation in Namibia and the apartheid policies of South Africa. I shall not - I repeat not - address those issues. They are separate agenda items and the views of my delegation on them are well known. I shall concern myself only with the remaining British dependent Territories, most of them small island Territories. My delegation and the Committee of 24 generally agree on the principles which should govern self-determination for these Territories. When there is such a wide measure of agreement about these principles, would it not be far nor* effective for the membership of the United Nations to speak with one voice? Would not a consensus resolution make more sense than the prehistoric document before us? would not a consensus confirm' that the United Nations sees man's right to self-determination as one of his most precious and inviolable rights? We know that the differences between us on decolonization are in fact differences of nuance rather than substance. Why then should this draft resolution consist of little more than another assault on our patience by grand rhetorical abstractions and polemical clichés? BHS/bhg A/36/PV.73 27 (Sir Anthony Parsons, United Kingdom) The reason is that certain delegations think that It is in their interest both to keep alive the moribund rhetoric of decolonization and to preserve the decolonization machinery which the United Nations set up in a very different world. But there are no more colonial empires today - or perhaps there is one. When we consider decolonization we are talking about a number of small island Territories with a combined population of under 200,000 people. We discuss regularly with the Committee of 24 their differing social, economic and political structures, and their prospects for constitutional development in the future. We agree with the Committee of 24 that we should encourage the Governments and peoples of these Territories to move to independence if that is their wish, and that this should be to the extent and at the pace that their own individual situation requires. We would not force any people to be independent against its will, nor would we hold up independence if that was the clearly expressed wish of the people. So why are we confronted in this draft resolution with statements such as ,"the continuation of colonialism in all its forms and manifestations is incompatible with the Charter of the United Nations, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples and poses a serious threat to international peace and security", Perhaps it is not intended in 198l that this statement should be taken seriously. But my delegation would be disturbed if such rhetoric were adopted by the General Assembly purely out of habit. The draft resolution speaks of the eradication of colonialism, of violations of the basic human rights of the peoples of colonial Territories, and of the complete elimination of the presence of the illegal occupying regimes in such Territories. Perhaps such language is not intended for the British dependent Territories. But who is it aimed at? Is it too much to hope that one day the General Assembly will look seriously at the questions relating to the few remaining Territories? It will then find that it has to pass through a door into the hitherto uncharted territory of the real world. In this connexion, I might also mention that it is difficult to believe that a serious draft has been submitted, or that it is going to receive proper consideration- BHS/bhg A/36/PV.73 28-30 (Sir Anthony Parsons United Kingdom) when there is only one day between its publication as a document and the vote in the General Assembly. Perhaps this timing has something to do with the fact that it is almost identical to a draft adopted a year ago. But that would prove ay point that this draft is a creature of the archaeological part and not of the present reality. Let us not forget the rate of the dinosaur, whose fossil footprints are conspicuous on the documents before us. The United Nations must adapt to new realities if it is to continue to be taken seriously. My second main criticism relates to both of these draft resolutions. As there are fever dependent Territories to discuss, certain delegations have to look far and vide for new pretexts for attar king the erstwhile imperial Powers. we see this trend in the report of the Committee of 24. There is a new obsession with certain minor facilities and installations in dependent Territories. Those are only there because the territorial Governments want them there, but they are seen by certain delegations as forming part of sinister military strategies. IL/l A/36/PV.73 (Sir Anthony Parsons, United Kingdom) I am glad to report that when the Fourth Committee too!; a serious look at this question it rejected the absurd claim of certain delegations that such installations were preventing independence in the dependent Territories concerned. I hope that on this basis delegations will not be willing to go along with operative paragraph 10 of draft resolution A/36/L.20 or with the consensus on military bases in the report of the Committee of 24. The report of the Committee of 24 also includes a chapter on Puerto Rico. It is quite clear that an act of self-determination took place there in the 1950s any that the current popularly elected Government has no desire .to proceed to separate independence. The Committee of 2k is concerned with self-determination, but it should not be egged on to sniff out denials of self-determination where they manifestly do not exist. Turning to draft resolution A/36L.21, I must make the same point about the activities of the United Rations Secretariat. When the number of dependent Territories has become so few, and those Territories we their own reasons for not proceeding to immediate independence, is it logical that the United Nations should be seeking to expand rather than to contract its activities in the field of decolonization" With a dwindling number of Territories there surely should be less need for the United Nations to allocate portions of its very hard pressed budget to matters of declining priority. But certain delegations seem to need the imaginary issue of decolonization to fuel their campaigns of vilification against the erstwhile imperial Powers. Are delegations aware, I wonder, that in the report of the Committee of 24, which draft resolution A/36/L.21 seeks to approve, there is a proposal to expand rather than run down the Unit on Information on Decolonization? Is the General Assembly keen to see an allocation of (21,000 for a mission from the Committee of 24's Sub-Committee on Petitions, Information and Assistance to go on a two-week trip to Geneva, Prague, Brussels, The Hague and London to discuss decolonization questions with non-governmental organizations which are not represented in New York? The same Sub-Committee wishes to send members of the Secretariat on speaking engagements around the United States to discuss questions of RH/8 A/36/PV.73 32 (Sir Anthony Parsons,. United Kingdom) of decolonization on university campuses. At a time when we are determined to oppose growth in the United nations budget and exercise rigour and responsibility in planning United Nations activities, surely these are areas where the machinery created by decolonization should now be dismantled, and the Committees concerned should direct their attention to the aid and development' questions which are crucial for the remaining dependent Territories I do not think that the limited resources of the United Nations should be put at the service of those whose interest is in breeding conflict and confrontation and keeping outdated animosities artificially alive. My delegation hopes that in the future this debate will be concerned with shorter, more realistic texts. We would like to see a consensus draft defining the common Ground between delegations rather than this sterile language which opens up useless feuds of earlier times. In conclusion I should like to draw on the words of the famous Anglo-American poet T.S.Eliot, who, in the last of his Four Quartets, "Little Gidding", said: "we cannot revive old factions We cannot restore old policies Or follow an antique drum." If the poet had lived long enough to see the draft resolutions on decolonization confronting us today, he would have been sadly disappointed to find that he was wrong. Let us do our best next year to prove that he could be, in the longer term, right. Mr. TSVETKOV (Bulgaria) (interpretation from French): In 1980 the international community celebrated the twentieth anniversary of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples in resolution 1514 (XV) of the General Assembly. The adoption of that most important document was a historical turning-point in the grosses of decolonization. Since that session of the General Assembly more than 50 countries have taken the path of independent development and have been admitted to membership of the United Nations. This year we have welcomed the emergence of the new Spates of Vanuatu, Belize and Antigua and Barbuda. RH/8 A/36/PV.73 33-35 (Mr. Tsvetkov, Bulgaria) Despite the considerable success of the decolonization process, colonialism, racism and apartheid continue to poison the international climate and to be a source of tension and conflict threatening peace and international security. That is why the United Rations attaches major importance to the complete elimination of colonialism and this is exposed in many resolutions and decisions among which an important place must be given to resolution 35/118, adopted at the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly, which contains the plan of Action for the Pull implementation of the Declaration on Decolonization. However despite the will of the international community, which has been expressed by the world Organization, colonial domination over many Territories and peoples and the plunder of their natural resources continue. Thus for many years the illegal occupation of Namibia has continued to be the subject of indignation among the overwhelming majority of States. Under the leadership of its sole authentic representative, the South Heat Africa People's Organization (SWAPO), the Namibian people has for many years continued its Just struggle to exercise its right to self-determination and independence. If that struggle has not yet been crowned with success it is because of the support of many kinds given to the Pretoria racists by their Washington allies and other member States of NATO. Thanks to the support. South Africa has become "a militarily bigly developed states, with its own nuclear capability, which now constitutes a real threat to peace and security both in the region and throughout the world. The large-scale aggression perpetrated this year against the People's Republic of Angola and the occupation of important parts of its territory are clear example;, of this. It is certainly not difficult to see in the co-operation of the imperialist States with Pretoria the considerable economic, military and strategic interests of the United States and NATO striving to perpetuate the existing situation in southern Africa. That is why this year again the Western countries immanent, members of the Security Council have prevented the Council from taking the effective measures provided for under the Charter to force Pretoria to comply with the Declaration or. Decolonization in respect of Namibia. It is only against that ******* that the various **anceuvres of the west to ensure a nco-colonialist solution of this problem can be interpreted. PS/9/Jlc A/36/PV.73 36 (Mr. Tsvetkov. Bulgaria) In the view of my delegation, a view which has been stated and restated repeatedly, the question of Namibia can he solved only by the immediate withdrawal of the racists from the Territory and by the granting of all pavers to its people, of which the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO) is the sole authentic representative. We believe that the United Nations plan contained in Security Council resolution 1*35 (1976) provides the most appropriate basis for achieving such a solution. That plan must be applied in its entirety and without any amendments. In speaking of the need to eliminate the last vestiges of colonialism, we should not overlook the small. Non-Self-Governing Territories. The colonialist States are doing everything they can to challenge the implementation of the Declaration with respect to these Territories by invoking certain specific conditions which exist there. Some of those conditions are the direct result of colonial domination - for example. the fact that they have an underdeveloped and unbalanced economy, and the dependence of the indigenous population in many cases on military bases to provide for their needs. The colonialists invoke these facts as Justification for their thesis that these Territories are not in a position to develop by themselves. But all this seriously contradicts the Declaration on decolonization, which demands that the administering Powers grant without delay the right to self-determination and independence to the peoples of all the Trust Territories and the Non-Self-Governing Territories. The Declaration also expressly stresses that: "Inadequacy of political, economic, social or educational preparedness should never serve as a pretext for delaying independence." (resolution 1514 (XV), para. 3) Paragraph 6 of the Declaration stipulates that: "Any attempt aimed at the partial or total disruption of the national unity and the territorial integrity of a country is incompatible with the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations" (ibid., para. 6) PS/9/jlc A/36/PV.73 37 (Mr. Tsvetkov, Bulgaria) These explicit provisions of the Declaration are seriously violated by the United States in respect of the strategic Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands and also in respect of the ether Territories under its colonial dependence. Despite Article 83 of the Charter, according to which. any alteration or amendment of the status of strategic Trust Territories- can he carried out only by decision of the Security Council, the United States is engaging in machinations designed to achieve the fragmentation of Micronesia and its annexation, which constitutes an attempt to confront the world with a fait accompli. The situation is similar in respect of Guam;, where there is an important United States military base, which it has already used in the past to serve its aggressive policies. Of course, the strategic and military possibilities which these Territories provide for the colonialist States are a strong impetus to them to oppose by all means the1 achievement of independence . That is precisely why the United Nations has so often declared in its documents, in particular in resolution 35/118, that military activities in the colonial Territories constitute an obstacle to the implementation of the Declaration on decolonization. . There are also other colonial problems in this sphere which will continue to attract the attention of our Organization in the years to come, My delegation would like in this regard to refer to the part of the report of the Special Committee which relates to Puerto Rico. We believe that this question should be examined within the context of the implementation, of the Declaration on decolonization. It is important that all the resources of the specialized agencies and the other international organizations associated with the United Nations be mobilized in the struggle against colonialism. We note with satisfaction the increased activities within this field of such organizations. as the United nations Development Programme, the Food and Agriculture Office, the International Labour Organization and the World Health Organization, and others. PS/9 A/36/PV.73 38 (Mr. Tsvetkov, Bulgaria) Unfortunately, the part played by specialized agencies and institutions is far from sufficient when it comes to national liberation movements in southern Africa and the front-line countries. It is regrettable to see the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund continuing to co-operate with South Africa, while, at the same time, refusing to provide assistance to the national liberation movements. This practice entirely contradicts the relevant decisions of the United Nations. The position of the People's Republic of Bulgaria on questions of decolonization is consistent. We have always supported the aspirations of all peoples to eliminate without delay all the vestiges of colonialism and the oppressive heritage of the colonial past. At the some tine., we realize that the establish merit of international peace and security, the maintenance and strengthening of international detente and the limitation of the arms race are sine oua non conditions for the achievement of this objective. My Government has always supported and will continue to support the full implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. Guided by this principle, we shall continue to give multifaceted support to the struggle of peoples under colonial dependence to achieve their right to self-determination and .independence, thereby eliminating totally and completely the last vestiges of colonialism, racism and apartheid. in all their forms and manifestations. PS/9 A/36/PV,73 39-40 . : Mr. OTT (German Democratic Republic): The Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, adopted in i960 is one of the most -significant and fundamental documents of the United Rations and has become an important component of international lav. On the basis of that Declaration which was achieved on the initiative of the USSR, more than one third of the present States members of the United Nations attained their independence. We hail the growing activities of the liberated States in Africa, Asia and latin America in international relations, in the struggle for peace, security and disarmament and against colonialism, racism and neo-colonial an. The youngest members of the international community, Belize, Vanuatu and Antigua and Barbuda, have achieved their independence. But in spite of this, we cannot overlook the fact that 21 years after the adoption of the historic Declaration contained in resolution 1514. (XV) , the right of ell peoples to self-determination and independence has not yet been implemented on a universal scale. Vestiges of colonialism,- racism and apartheid which continue to exist poison the international atmosphere and are a threat to peace and international security. The dangerous situation in southern Africa demonstrates that the implementation of the inalienable rights of the peoples is closely linked with the safeguarding of peace and international security, The misuse of colonial Territories for the expansion of the imperialist system of bases requires increased efforts to implement the anti-colonial, anti-racist decisions of the United Nations. These efforts should focus on the principles that were laid down in the Declaration on decolonization as long ago as I960. RM/40 A/36/PV.73 41 (He. Ott, German Democratic. Republic) The reason the Declaration has not so far been fully implemented life. in the activities of those in imperialist circles that consider the exercise of the right to self-determination of colonially oppressed peoples to be a restriction of their sphere of domination and their profit interests. Above all, they regard South Africa with its apartheid regime as an important stronghold of the so-called Western world. There is a direct connexion between the arrogant statements claiming whole regions to be their spheres of interest, the establishment of new military bases and efforts to maintain relations of colonial dependence, Territories the peoples of which have so far been prevented from exercising their right to self-determination are today hotbeds of tensions. This is true above all of southern Africa. There, the apartheid regime pursues its policy of terror and occupation beyond the frontiers of its own country and those of illegally occupied Namibia by perpetrating acts of aggression against independent African States. There are even plans to include the racist aggressor in a South Atlantic military alliance, further increasing the threat to peace and security in that area. Mention may also be made of the so-called small Territories in the Pacific, Indian and Atlantic Oceans that are still colonially dependent and misused as military bases to bring pressure to bear on free States and national liberation movements. There is an inseparable link between the maintenance of the vestiges of colonialism and racism and the imperialist policy of aggravating international tensions, of the arms build-up, of threats and boycotts and of suppressing the national and social liberation struggle of the peoples. Is accordance with the Plan of Action contained in General Assembly resolution 35/HG, the delegation of the German Democratic Republic pleads in favour of, first, granting all necessary moral and material assistance to oppressed peoples; secondly, discontinuing all political, military and nuclear RM/10/nh A/36/PV.73 42 (Mr. Ott, German Democratic Republic! collaboration with the apartheid regime and banning the activities of transnational corporations directed against the peoples’ interests and, thirdly, taking action against the military activities of the colonial Powers in colonial Territories and advocating the immediate dismantling of military bases in those Territories. At the Tenth Congress of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany, one of the German Democratic Republic's foreign policy priorities in the years ahead was defined as "active solidarity with all peoples fighting for national and social liberation, development of broad co-operation with the States of Africa, Asia and Latin America and support for the struggle to establish a new international economic order based on equality". That is why the German Democratic Republic has always stood up, together with the other socialist States and the non-aligned countries, for the adoption or consistent anti-colonial decisions by the world Organization and for their strict implementation. The German Democratic Republic shares with a majority of the States Members of the United Nations a deep concern about the situation in southern Africa- That situation results from the aggressive and terrorist policies of the apartheid regime in South Africa and from the support and encouragement given to it by the States of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. It is open encouragement of the racists or 'South Africa when the United States declares South Africa to be a "friendly nation" and does not want to do without its co-operation with the apartheid regime. The German Democratic Republic resolutely condemns the large-scale aggression of South Africa against the People's Republic of Angela. In this connexion, the representative of the German Democratic Republic, speaking in the Security Council on 28 August 1981, said: "This time it is our firm conviction that the Security Council must take measures. Chapter VII of the Charter tells us what must be done. Apart from a firm condemnation of South Africa in connexion with these new acts of aggression against the sovereignty, stability and RM/10/nh A/36/PV.73 43-45 (Mr. Ott, German Democratic. Republic ) territorial integrity of the People's Republic of Angola, which constitute a serious violation of international peace and security, the Security Council must, in the proper form, call on South Africa to cease its aggression forthwith and to withdraw its troops from the territory of the People's Republic of Angola." (S/PV.2296, p. 26) As is well known, the veto of the United States prevented one Security Council from adopting the necessary decisive measures, Just as one of the Western permanent members of the Security Council blocked the adoption of draft resolutions supporting the liberation struggle of the Namibian people in April of this year. Only a few days ago the position of principle of the German Democratic Republic on the Namibian question was expressed here. I do not want to repeat it. I should merely like to underline once again that the German Democratic Republic considers the United Nations plan to be a realistic basis for a speedy and equitable settlement of the question of Namibia. It is resolutely opposed to any attempts to undercut United Nations resolutions and decisions and to withhold the Namibian people's independence. We will continue, as before, to support the struggle of the Namibian people under the leadership of the South West Africa People's Organization, its sole and authentic representative, in order to support the exercise of the Namibian people's right to self-determination, just as we support the struggle of the people of South Africa under the leadership of the African National Congress. As far as the still dependent territories in the Pacific, Atlantic and Indian Oceans are concerned, the delegation of the German Democratic Republic is opposed to all attempts aimed at maintaining the dependence of those Territories by means of military presence and increasing the system of military bases. The militarization of those Territories is in defiance of United Nations resolutions and is a serious obstacle to the national independence and self-determination of « the peoples living in them. It adds considerably to the destabilization of the international situation and, at the same time, Jeopardizes the security of entire regions. BG/11/alv A/36/PV.73 Mr. ADHANT (Syrian Arab Republic) (Interpretation from Arabic); The momentum on a the question of decolonization most Conference until we are able finally to put a decisive and early end to all the regaining Forsa and manifestations colonialism. Last year the United Nations celebrated the twentieth anniversary of the adoption of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, which has resulted so far in the independence of more than 50 countries. Among the positive developments of the past year were the independence of Vanuatu, Belize and Antigua and Barbuda, crowned by their admission to the United Nations. I am pleased, on behalf of my delegation, to express our Joy at seeing the general Assembly discussing the item on decolonization it the process of the representatives of those f see newly independent countries. The Special Committee on the implementation of the Declaration on decolonization has played and continues to play a fundamental ole in guiding and intensifying the efforts of our Organization to ensure the complete implementation of the Declaration. My delegation, which has had the honour of being a member of that Committee from its very establishment, is pleased to work under the guidance of its Chairman. Ambassador Abdulah of Trinidad and Tobago, and we should like to congratulate him on the excellent way in which he directs the Committee's work. We pay a tribute to him for his experience and wisdom, which have made it possible for that Committee's efforts to be successful. -The delegation of the Syrian Arab Republic is confident that the Committee will continue to accomplish its task until the complete elimination of all vestiges of colonialism on the earth - which we hope will take place as soon as possible SO that we shall be able to witness these outstanding results. In spite of the accomplishments of the United Nations in implementing the Declaration, we must note with regret that more than 4 million human beings in more than 20 countries are far from enjoying autonomy and independence in their homeland. There are still 4 million Palestinians deprived of their right to self-determination in their own territory and homeland. More than 20 million Africans in southern Africa and in Namibia ore still subjected to all sorts of discrimination, persecution and military and racist occupation, and are living BG/11/alv A/36/PV.73 Mr. Adhami, (Syrian Arab Republic,) on their own soil under repression, humiliation and degradation. That region still constitutes the most dangerous site of additional colonialism in its most hideous form. We must note also that political liberation has not always been accompanied by economic independence. Imperialistic economic interests still attempt to. revert to the domination of peoples and their fate through economic hegemony. A large number of small Territories which do not enjoy autonomy are still in a state of colonial dependence and are used by the imperialists for military purposes through the establishment of military bases aimed at guaranteeing the strategic and military interests of these colonialist countries. The colonizing countries, especially the United States of America, make every effort to curb the process of the decolonization of those Territories in an attempt to preserve their military interests there. They use for that purpose various pretexts, forms and names such as "free participation" and "political union", which are only screens to support colonial domination and legitimize the annexation process. The Declaration affirms that the right of all peoples to self-determination and an independent political existence is an inalienable right. The Plan of Action also rejects any unilateral agreements measures or actions to deny or oppose the inalienable right of peoples to self-determination and independence. The right to self-determination enshrined in resolution 1514 (XV) has become an imperative of international law and we can never agree to the sovereignty over a colonized country being vested in the colonizing authority instead of the colonized people. As far as Puerto Rico is concerned, we reaffirm our total support for the Puerto Rican people and its self-determination pursuant to resolution 1514 (XV). We also support the request that the General Assembly discuss the question of Puerto Rico as a separate item at its next session. The Special Committee of 24 met last August and considered the question of Puerto Rico. It heard a large number of Puerto Ricans representing all the political, cultural and union groupings in the country. They unanimously expressed their desire that the General Assembly discuss this issue as a separate BG/11/alv A/36/PV.73 47 (Mr. Adhami, Syrian Arab Republic) agenda item. We believe that the United Rations cannot but respond to that unanimous desire of the people and support the Special Committee's resolution in this connexion. It should not be influenced by the fact that the country colonizing Puerto Rico is the richest and most- powerful of the present world. While the United nations is trying to eliminate the last vestiges of colonialism, we must all oppose the attempts in many regions of the world to revert to a policy of imperialist interests, to threaten the independence and freedom of peoples, to interfere in internal affairs under new slogans, to establish new military bases and to adopt plans aimed at bringing about the domination of our countries by colonialism, or under its influence, or by drawing them into confrontation. The declaration on the setting up of "rapid deployment forces" and the concept of "strategic consensus" are only an ugly face of the neo-imperialist dialectic used against the independence of our peoples, their freedom: their rights and their natural resources. The celebration by the United Nations of the twentieth anniversary of the Declaration of Human Rights was followed by a serious setback in decolonization that dashed all hopes for an early end to colonialism, This year we witnessed the Government of South Africa achieving the failure of the Geneva. meeting, as intended. The Reagan Administration has solemnly supported the Pretoria. regime and given its blessing to that regime's acts of aggression against neighbouring countries, especially Angola. That Administration has also protected the racist regime against the indignation of the international community and has adopted a blatant policy hostile to countries fighting for their independences and freedom, under the leadership of their liberation movements. He do not think ye need go into details, as everyone is familiar with them. This confirms that the question of the full implementation of the Declaration continues to be a fundamental issue. We must continue to exert every effort and indeed to intensify our efforts, especially within the framework of the Special Committee of 24, to accomplish this sacred task. One fundamental fact in this regard is that the tyrannical Pretoria regime could never have continued its defiance of the world without the support it receives BG/11/alv A/36/PV.73 49-50 (Mr. Adhami. Syrian Arab Republic) from Western countries, needed by the United States. The United States and countries maintaining close relations with it are responsible for South Africa's intransigence and its continued defiance of the will of the international community and the spirit of the tines. Co the other hand, the close alliance and co-operation between that regime and the racist, aggressive Tel Aviv regime, especially in the military and nuclear fields, play an important part in the co-ordination of the imperialist plan to subjugate the peoples of the Middle East and of Africa to aggressive domination. All that proves that the colonial regimes will never willingly bow to the will of the peoples and that firm, efforts must' be made to confront those who try to stem the tide of history. We base our struggle against imperialism and racism on our conviction that the cause of 'freedom is one and on our feeling that we are in the forefront of the confrontation against mankind's common enemy, whether it be apartheid, Zionism; imperialism or colonialism. There is only one enemy. The continuation of its aggression and defiance means that we have duties and responsibilities to assume, and we shall assume them unhesitatingly until the regimes of repression, colonialism and racism crumble and the day of freedom and dignity dawns for all peoples. MP/jg/meb A/36/PV.73 Mr. SOLTYSIEWICZ (Poland): It is a matter of considerable satisfaction to Poland that significant progress has been achieved in the implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, which was adopted 21 years ago. Since the adoption of that historic resolution 1514 (XV), the process of decolonization has gained momentum, and the role of the United Nations in the field of decolonization has been greatly strengthened. The Polish delegation is happy to note that thanks to the common efforts of progressive forces all over the world, the majority of former colonial peoples have achieved national independence and sovereignty and recovered their proper place within the .community of nations and are now playing an important role in our common endeavours for peace, progress and development. In this, regard, we highly value the outstanding role played by the United Nations Special Committee on decolonization. Similarly, we note with satisfaction the measures taken by a number of specialized agencies and other organizations within the United Rations system to provide assistance to the peoples of c council Territories and to their national liberation movements. The United Nations has also helped to expose the role played by foreign economic and military interests as factors impeding the decolonization process. While welcoming the progress already achieved, we cannot overlook the. fact that much is still to be done in that area and that several million people are still subjected to colonial rule - and, indeed, what is far worse, are subjected to the most oppressive rule of apartheid. There are still other peoples and Territories which are awaiting a chance to achieve their inalienable rights to self-determination and independence. Such a situation prevails in southern Africa, where the recent aggression by the racist regime in South Africa against Angola has provided yet another glaring example of neo-colonialism. We resolutely condemn that brutal act. We also fully support the decisions taken so far by the United Nations against the policies of apartheid and with regard to the question of Namibia, policies which were considered and condemned at the eighth emergency special session of the General Assembly* In our opinion, the decision of that session constitutes a powerful tool in the struggle of the international community to isolate and ultimately eliminate the inhuman regime of apartheid and urgently to secure genuine freedom and independence for Namibia. HP/Jg A/36/PV.73 52 -55 (Mr. Soltysiewicz, Poland) As my delegation has already stated during the current session of the General Assembly when speaking on the question of Namibia, we hope that the problems of southern Africa will he solved in accordance with the relevant resolutions of the General Assembly. In this respect, we Join those countries which condemn military activities in that Territory as well as in all other colonial Territories, rightly considering then to be a threat to peace and international security. Solidarity with the colonial peoples still fighting for their freedom is among the basic premises of the foreign policy of my country. In accordance with its position of principle, Poland will give its sustained support to the Just struggle of the colonial peoples and their national liberation movements for self-determination and independence, including specific assistance in the field of training and education. There is an obvious interrelationship between progress in the field of decolonization and the general state of international relations. In the view of my delegation, the final elimination of colonialism would remove one of the sources of tension in international relations and therefore would the strengthening of international constitute an important contribution to peace and security. Mr. HAMAMI (Tunisia) (interpretation from French): At our last session we duly celebrated the twentieth anniversary of the adoption of resolution 1514 (XIII), the Declaration on the Chanting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. As we all Know, the adoption of that invaluable instrument was no haphazard occurrence, but rather the outcome and result of the stalwart struggle of oppressed peoples and of the support of part of public opinion in countries involved in the colonial system. Twenty-one years ago the colonial system weighed more heavily on the world, and a good number of the representatives of States among us today were net in this hall. He are delighted that from one anniversary to the next the family of the United Nations has grown larger and stronger. Independent and sovereign Vanuatu, Belize, and Antigua and Barbuda have Just been admitted as full-fledged Members of our Organization. The irreversible process of decolonization must rapidly be completed. The liberation movement of peoples is a historic need which it is immoral and futile to continue to resist NR/bhs A/36/PV.73 (Mr. Hamami, Tunisia) The special Committee of 2k done remarkable work. It is carrying out In an excellent Banner the noble mission conferred upon it of overseeing the implementation of the Declaration, contained in resolution 1514 (XV), on the Gratins of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. The Tunisian delegation takes this opportunity to convey its warmest congratulations to all the members of that Committee. In more than one way, the contribution of the Committee of 24 is historic. It has made possible successful decolonization in various parts of Africa and elsewhere in the world and the increasingly clear isolation of the apartheid regime which prevails in South Africa and which exercises colonial domination over Namibia and commits constant acts of aggression against neighbouring states which are independent and sovereign Members of our Organization. This inadmissible behaviour is an attempt to call in question the decolonization work of our Organization and constitutes constant defiance of the international community. The apartheid regime can only be colonialist: this flows from the very logic of the system. The work of decolonization must be continued in southern Africa and elsewhere. The United nations has the instruments to crush the last bastions of colonialism. Chapter XI of the Charter, the Declaration in resolution 1514 (XV) to which we are referring today and resolution 1654 (XVI), pursuant to which the Special Committee of 24 was established, are all milestones in that range of instruments. At this stage, while we. are pleased at the work achieved in the field of decolonization, it remains clear that more vigorous action must be taken to hasten the process. Such action, carried out realistically by our Organization, should lead to the emergence of other independent States and put an end to the tragic situation prevailing in southern Africa. That situation of serious crisis brings with it great dangers and seriously threatens international peace and security. Millions of persons who cherish freedom and dignity are still denied their right to self-determination, a principle enshrined by our Organization. HB/bhg A/36/PV.73 57 (Mr. Hemami, Tunisia) The forces of oppression in southern Africa daily triple human rights under foot and defy the international community because they feel safe from any possible implementation of the relevant Articles of the Charter. This situation cannot go on indefinitely. The international community has this alternative before it: successful and peaceful decolonization leading to co-operation among nations or a General conflagration whose unforeseeable consequences would seriously endanger international peace and security. The problem of Namibia is in the forefront of the legitimate concerns of our Organization. So far the United Nations has been able to clarify the situation as far as legality is concerned. For a long time Namibia has had an administering authority, the United Nations Council for Namibia. Thus, Pretoria, legally stripped of its mandate, must withdraw from the Territory. The time has come for the international community as a whole without reservation to oblige Pretoria to withdraw from the Territory. This would reflect dedication to the principles of law and to the Declaration contained in resolution 1514 (XV), which was the work of our own Organization. This is an opportunity to show a spirit of constructive commitment and to enable the Namibian people to build its own State. The United Nations is an instrument of peace and co-operation in the world. That mission can gain further credibility if "serious questions of decolonization are solved and if Pretoria is compelled to comply with the decisions and resolutions of our Organization. A Member that adhered to the Charter cannot be allowed to defy the entire international community with impunity. Any indulgence towards Pretoria would be encouragement to future misconduct, a challenge to the Charter which would result in a serious threat to international peace and security. An end must be brought to this situation and the behaviour of the Pretoria regime, which must abandon its inhuman policy of racial discrimination and constant defiance of the United Nations-. The right to self-determination and independence of peoples is a natural and absolute right which is not subject to interpretations according to the exigencies of the moment. It is only by the exercise of that right that peoples are able to express their genuine and true aspirations. It is by the exercise BH/bhg A/36/PV.T3 58 (Mr. Hamami. Tunisia) of that right that peoples still under colonial domination CAN express their desire for independence, and therefore it is in that way that the Declaration contained in resolution 1514 (XV) can be fully implemented. For it is a fact that a partial or biased implementation of that Declaration would not only complicate certain tenacious strongholds of colonialism but also endanger States that have acquired their independence at great cost. The Declaration contained in resolution 1514 (XV), on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples has its corollary, and that is the preservation and safeguarding of independence that has already been acquired. In order to preserve its accomplishments the international community must complete the work of decolonization and bring it to a rapid conclusion. Until the peoples of southern Africa and elsewhere have recovered their inalienable rights to self-determination and independence, international peace and security will be endangered and the provisions of the Charter will remain unimplemented. As we near the end of the twentieth century, 21 years after the proclamation of our Declaration, can we accept the fact that people who have demonstrated their determination in the struggle for freedom and independence and have provided evidence of their political maturity and their ability to control their destiny are denied their right to self-determination end to a State? I am referring to the people of Namibia but also to the people of Palestine. It is on the realization of their aspirations that peace and stability in two particularly sensitive regions of the world, the middle Fast and southern Africa, basically depend. Mr. LOZINSKI (Union of Soviet Socialist Republics) (interpretation from Russian): A third decade has begun since the United Nations adopted the historic Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. The resolution containing that Declaration, which was adopted on the initiative of the Soviet Union and the other socialist countries and all the NR/bhg A/36/PV.73 59-60 (Mr. Lorinsky. USSR) progressive countries of the world in spite of the stubborn resistance of the colonial Powers solemnly proclaimed "the necessity of bringing to a speedy and unconditional end colonialism in all its forms and manifestations", (resolution 1514 (XV) The Declaration and the decisions which followed it put forward a demand to eliminate all colonial regimes. They proclaimed the legitimacy of the struggle of the peoples of the colonies for their national liberation. They appealed to all States to provide material and moral support in that struggle. MLG/jic/jpm A/36/PV.73 61 (Mr. Lorinsky, USSR) An was indicated lay the General Assembly at its last session, the Declaration on decolonization has played and will continue to play an important part in providing assistance to the peoples under colonial domination in their struggle for freedom and independence, and in mobilizing world public opinion to help in the complete elimination of colonialism. The important part played in that context by the Special Committee of the United Nations on the implementation of that Declaration must be stressed. The Soviet Union has always approved and supported the anti-colonial activities of that Committee. The emergence in recent years of dozens of young independent countries has been an important event in international political life. This year alone we have seen in the international arena the emergence of three new States, Vanuatu, (Belize and Antigua and Barbuda. The Soviet Union welcomes their membership in the United Nations. We are witnessing the confirmation of the prophecy made many decades ago by the founder of the Soviet State, Vladimir Ilyich Lenin, regarding the historic role to be played by the peoples of the colonies; he foresaw that having rid them elves of the colonial yoke, they would participate actively in deciding the fate of the world. The young countries, liberated from the colonial yoke, are being forced into a difficult struggle with imperialism to solve the problems caused by the colonial vestiges in all areas of their internal life and also in their international relations. This was pointed out by Leonid Ilyich Brezhnev in his report to the Twenty-Sixth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. He said: "The imperialists are not happy with the strengthening of the independence of the liberated countries. Using thousands of ways and means, they try to bind those countries to them so as to be able freely to use their natural resources and also to use their territories for their strategic designs. In so doing they widely use the time-honoured method of 'divide and rule,". - • - » KLG/Jlc/Jpm A/36/PV.I3 62 " '• • . - (Mr. Lorinsky. USSR) An important prerequisite for the successful solution of the tasks facing the young States is the securing of lasting peace in the world, the* preservation and strengthening of detente and the limitation of the arms race launched by military circles of the Western Powers. Despite the considerable successes of the national liberation movements and the efforts of the international community to implement the Declaration on decolonization, colonialism has not yet been completely eliminated. The people of Namibia continues to suffer from cruel colonial oppression, aggravated by the inhuman system of apartheid instituted by the Pretoria racists. The obvious reluctance of the Pretoria regime to leave that country, so rich in mineral resources, is strengthened by the support of economic and other circles of the Western Powers interested in preserving colonial racist-rule in southern Africa; The manoeuvres of the Western Powers are aimed at undermining the implementation of the latest decision of the United nations on the question of Namibia, the resolution of the eighth emergency special session of the General Assembly on Namibia, which demanded: the immediate commencement of the unconditional implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) without any prevarication, qualification or modification and not later than December 1981", (resolution ES-8/2) At a time when the South African racists are trying by violence and terror to preserve their domination over Namibia, the people of that Territory pursues' its heroic armed struggle for freedom and independence, relying on the support of the United Nations and of all progressive mankind. The struggle for liberation in South Africa itself is intensifying. The attempts to Justify the policy of terror and aggression conducted by the Pretoria regime against the peoples of southern Africa and the neighbouring African States, and the accusation that peoples struggling for their independence are terrorists, can only be regarded as expressions of extreme cynicism. MLG/mcb/jpm " A/36/PV.73 63 (Mr. Lorinsky, USSR) Speaking of the policy of the most aggressive circles of imperialism, Leonid Ilyich Brezhnev stressed: "Showing utter contempt for the rights and duties of peoples, they are trying to describe the liberation struggle of the masses as an expression of terrorism. They are really trying to achieve the unachievable, to erect a barrier against progressive changes in the world and to resume the role of masters of the destiny of peoples." The Soviet Union believes that in the area of supporting the national liberation of peoples, the United Nations has no more urgent task at this moment than ensuring genuine independence for the people of Namibia, the only legitimate representative of which is in fact the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO). and totally eradicating the apartheid regime in South Africa. An end must be put to the situation in which the South African racists simply ignore the decisions of the international community. To that end the Security Council must adopt comprehensive mandatory sanctions against Pretoria, in compliance I with Chapter VII of the Charter. Enjoyment of the inalienable right to self-government and independence is still an unsolved problem for easy peoples of the smaller colonial Territories. A speedy solution must be found in the interest not only of the social, political and economic development of those peoples, but also of the maintenance of peace and security. For many island colonial Territories are being used by the administering Powers for the establishment of military bases from which they can interfere in the domestic affairs of sovereign countries and suppress struggling national liberation movements. The colonial Powers are interested in the preservation of their military bases and military presence in Guam, Puerto Rico, Diego Garcia, the Pacific Islands, Bermuda, the Turks and Caicos Islands and other Territories, independently of how many soldiers are actually at any moment deployed on this or that island because in caze of need even the smallest base can be converted very speedily into a powerful military and strategic installation. That is the very factor that is the main obstacle to the enjoyment, by the peoples of those Territories of their inalienable right to self-determination and independence. MLG/mcb A/36/PV.73 64~65 (Mr. Lorinsky, USSR) The United Nations, in its decisions, has repeatedly and very clearly demanded that the colonial Powers immediately and unconditionally eliminate the bases and military installations on the colonial Territories and refrain from creating new bases and installations.* * Mr. Naik (Pakistan), vice-President, took the Chair. BHS/Jg A/36/PV.73 C6 (Mr. Lorinsky, USSR) Particular attention must be Given to the situation which exists in the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands. Thirty-four years of trusteeship by the United States over Micronesia have shown that the administering Power has not carried out, and does not intend to carry out, its commitments under the Charter and the Trusteeship Agreement. After man:' years of trusteeship the situation in that Territory has deteriorated. The population of the Territory is actually less self-supporting now than it was when the trusteeship began. In recent years the Administering Authority has consistently been pursuing a policy of the fragmentation of Micronesia and imposing on several parts of that Territory the neo-colonialist Commonwealth, or free association status, which really means the transformation of those islands into United States Possessions. The annexationist activities of the United States with respect to the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands have been carried out by bypassing the Security Council and in violation of the United nations Charter, the Trusteeship Agreement, the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples and other decisions of the United nations. They can in no way be recognized as having any legal force, since under Article 83 of the United Nations Charter any changes in the status of Micronesia as a Trust Territory can take place only by a decision of the Security Council. The United Rations and its relevant organs must take the measures provided for in the Charter to counter the attempts of the United States to force the world with a fait accompli, namely, the complete absorption of the Trust Territory and its transformation into a colonial possession under the label of 'Commonwealth'1 or "free association", we must do everything necessary to ensure that the Micronesian people, in accordance with the Charter and the Declaration on decolonization, can enjoy without any impediment its inalienable right to genuine freedom and independence. BHS/jg A/36/PV.73 67 (Mr. Lorinsky, USSR) This year the United nations Special Committee on .decolonization has prepared, on the basis of consensus, several useful decisions on the question of the military bases on Guam, Bermuda and the Turks and Caicos Islands, as well as on the question of the Trust. Territory of the Pacific Islands. The adoption of those decisions by the Special Committee is a step in the right direction, and will contribute to the implementation of the Declaration on decolonization with respect to the peoples of those Territories. The international community is very concerned about the situation in Puerto Rico. The decisions of the Special Committee on decolonization have repeatedly confirmed the inalienable right of the Puerto Rican people to self-determination and independence in accordance with the Declaration on decolonization. During the session of the Special Committee which took place in August many representatives of various organizations in Puerto Rico submitted unchallengeable, evidence which snowed that that Territory is in fact in a state of full colonial dependence on the United States, which is detrimental to the economic, political and social situation of the Puerto Rican people. The statements of members of the Special Committee and the decision which it adopted emphasized the duty of the United Nations, in accordance with the Declaration on decolonization, to assist the Puerto Rican people to exercise their inalienable right to self-determination and independence. The Soviet Union fully supported the decision adopted by the Special Committee on decolonization on the question of Puerto Rico. The Soviet Unions condemns the predatory activities of the international monopolies in southern Africa and in the small colonial Territories. Those monopolies constitute one of the fundamental obstacles to the full implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. He reject the policy of the imperialist Powers, which encourage the exploitation of the human and natural resources of the colonial Territories, and we support the demands of the African States for the immediate withdrawal of investments from South Africa and Namibia and the immediate cessation of any economic co-operation with the racist Pretoria regime. BHS/jg/nh A/36/PV.73 68-70 (Mr. Lorinsky, USSR) The thirty-fifth session of the United Nations General Assembly adopted the Plan of Action for the Full Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, which sets out new and urgent tasks and targets in the effort to complete the historic process of the liberation of peoples from colonial oppression. It is the duty of the states Members of the United Nations to make every effort to carry out that Plan. The Soviet Union has always provided, and will continue to provide, all kinds of assistance to the peoples, in their struggle to achieve self-determination and independence. The Soviet Union consistently supports the full implementation of all resolutions and decisions of the Security Council and the United Nations General Assembly and its organs aimed at the final eradication of the remnants of colonialism, racism and apartheid. The strengthening of the alliance between world socialism and the national liberation movements is one of the main objectives of the foreign policy of the Soviet Union, as was confirmed by the XXVIth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Mr. SANGSOMSAK (Lao People's Democratic Republic) (interpretation from French): The progressive reduction of the number of items on the agenda of the General Assembly in the framework of the implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples clearly illustrates how decisive the action of the international community has been thus- far in working towards the complete and final elimination of colonialism in all its forms and manifestations. The deletion of those agenda items means that several more sovereign and independent nations have now taken their rightful place in the community of nations. RH/16 A/36/PV.73 71 (Mr. Sangsoasak, Lao People's Democratic Republic) What was a dream Just half a century ago has because reality, and those liberated peoples have happily applied for admission to the United Nations. That is a sign or their recognition of this Organization, which since the adoption of the Declaration thanks to the happy initiative of the Soviet Union supported by many States of all continents, has seen a constant increase in its membership. This all points to the past and present importance of that document in the process of historical change and it was only fitting that at its thirty-fifth session the General Assembly should solemnly commemorate the twentieth anniversary of its adoption. On that occasion the General Assembly commended the magnificent results of the Declaration reflected in the accession by millions of human beings to freedom and dignity. It also e:;pressed its conviction that the Declaration would continue to play an important role as a source of inspiration and a spur to action for colonial peoples. It reaffirmed its determination definitively to eliminate colonialism, the great obstacle to peace, progress and international co-operation. This year, thanks to the stimulus provided by the Declaration, three colonial Territories of the Caribbean have acceded to independence. Upon the opening of this session we warmly welcomed among us Vanuatu and Belize, and today we are pleased to welcome Antigua and Barbuda to our Organization. To sum up, since the adoption in 1960 of the Declaration on decolonization almost 60 nations, representing more than 70 million persons, have been liberated from the colonial yoke and have as independent and sovereign States Joined the ranks of United Nations membership. the United Nations has seen its membership increase from 100 in 1960 to 157 in 1981. This impressive development clearly attests to the vitality of our Organization, which is working towards its ultimate objective, universality. It also testifies to the powerful and resolute struggle of oppressed peoples against the colonialist empire, the disintegration of which is inevitable. Even so, in spite of the considerable progress achieved in the process of decolonization, almost 4 million persons in Asia, Africa and the Caribbean are still suffering under colonial oppression and domination. This suffering can RH/16 A/36/PV.73 72 (Mr. Sangsoasak, Lao_ People's Democratic Republic) be clearly seen in the monstrous pillaging of the territories of those colonial peoples and the dangerous continuance of colonial wars in different regions of the world. The recent and thorough consideration of this question in the Fourth Committee clearly revealed the magnitude and intensity of the ruthless exploitation of the natural and human resources of several Territories by certain Western capitalist countries through their powerful transnational corporations. This serious situation can be explained by fear of the imminent loss of control over colonial Territories as a result of the increasingly important victories of the national liberation movements. Moreover, while mercilessly intensifying their exploitation, the colonialists and racists have in recent years increased the intensity of their colonial wars in order to stifle and crush the liberation struggles of oppressed peoples. That is what happened and is still happening in southern Africa, in the Middle East and in other parts of the world. It is clear that these wars could not have lasted without the support and encouragement of those in certain imperialist circles that draw vast profits from maintaining this reactionary colonial system in different parts of the world. This explains why those same elements describe the racist regime of South Africa as a faithful friend and accuse the national liberation movements recognised and supported by the international community of being terrorist organizations at the same time as attempting in vain to distort the struggle of the valiant Namibian people under the guidance of SWAPO for self-determination and national independence by shamelessly depicting it as an ideological conflict between East and West. That tactic clearly fits into the Global strategy of imperialism, which is attempting to use the question of the liberation struggle and democracy as a pretext to interfere in the internal affairs of States, especially small States, and to pursue its policy of destabilization and subversion in different parts of the world. Hence we are now witnessing the feverish activities of imperialism, which is attempting to step up its political and military assistance to its colonialist, racist and reactionary protégés in southern Africa and elsewhere. As a result the South African and Namibian peoples RH/16 A/36/PV.T3 73 (Mr. Sangsoasak, Lao People's Democratic Republic) continue to be subjected to increasingly bloody repressive measures and practices by the apartheid regime. which in spite of universal condemnation stubbornly persists in its illegal occupation of the international Territory of Namibia. The prospects of a peaceful settlement that will enable the Namibian people fully to exercise its right to self-determination in accordance with the United Nations plan seen increasingly grim because of the refusal of the imperialists to adopt enforcement measures against the racist regime. Although the situation in southern Africa receives particular attention from the international community because of the explosive tension prevailing there, we must not lose sight of the state of the Micronesian and Puerto Rican peoples and the peoples of small Non-Self-Governing. Territories in the Pacific, the Caribbean and other regions of the world. In this connexion ay delegation wishes to reiterate its appeal to the administering Powers to fulfil their obligations under the Charter by guaranteeing the economic, social and cultural development of the Territories under their domination and creating the necessary political conditions to enable those peoples rapidly to accede to national. independence. Factors such as territorial size, geography, population statistics or lack of political maturity should not serve as pretexts indefinitely to delay the exercise by those peoples of their inalienable right to self-determination. Moreover, military bases, which are a genuine obstacle to the implementation of the Declaration on Decolonization should be completely and rapidly dismantled, and there must be an immediate end to the policy of fragmentation pursued by certain administering Powers in Territories under their domination, in particular in the Trust Territory of the Pacific. In conclusion, my delegation wishes to pay a tribute to the Special Committee on decolonization, which, in spite of the many obstacles of all sorts created by colonialism, racism and imperialism, has succeeded in leading millions of human beings from colonial domination to freedom. we appeal to the administering Powers and to the other States that continue to show reluctance as regards the accession to independence of colonial peoples to Join in the RH/16 A/36/PV.73 (Mr. Sangsoasak, Lao People's Democratic Republic) efforts of the Special Committee to guarantee rapid implementation of the Plan of Action for the Full Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples contained in General Assembly resolution 35/HG. PS/1? A/36/PV.73 76 Mr. LUSAKA (Zambia): One of the most historic actions of the General Assembly was the adoption of resolution 15l4 (XV) on 14 December 1960. That resolution, containing the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, was a milestone in the field of decolonization. It has given greater meaning and purpose to the United Nations Charter. In underscoring the importance of General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV), my delegation wishes at the same time to pay a tribute to the Special Committee on decolonization, presided over by my friend and colleague Ambassador Frank Abdulah of Trinidad and Tobago. Under the able leadership of Mr. Abdulah, the Committee has continued to fulfil in a most admirable and dynamic manner its vital role as the United Nations arm for ensuring the implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. The Committee has remained dedicated to its mandate and has relentlessly provided an impetus for an accelerated decolonization process. At this session of the General Assembly we have had the pleasure of admitting three new Members into the United Nations, .lamely, Belize, Vanuatu and Antigua and Barbuda. These new Member States, which I once again welcome on behalf of my delegation, are the latest addition to the ever growing list of independent and sovereign States. we cannot but rejoice at this trend in favour of liberty, freedom and Justice ,which also brings the United Nations closer to the much cherished principle of universality of membership. My delegation hopes that the day is not far off when the entire decolonization process will have been completed. There are millions of our fellow men and women in this decade of the 1980s who still languish under colonial rule and also under racist minority and oppressive regimes. They yearn for liberty, freedom. Justice and independence. These are the same rights and privileges as all our peoples represented in this Assembly enjoy. Some, indeed a significant number, of those people reside in the various small Territories in the Pacific And Caribbean regions, which have particular problems of territorial size, small populations and economic dependence on others. PS/17 A/36/PV.73 7T These problems should, none the less, not constitute an impediment to the enjoyment of their inalienable right to freedom and independence. Those people are entitled to self-determination and must be allowed to exercise their right to this end- If I may continue to focus on these Territories. particular problems, it is the duty of the colonial Pover3 and the United Nations to do everything possible to assist then in the search for solutions. This is particularly important with regard to the imperative need to make their economies viable in order to enable them to support themselves after independence. Visiting missions from the Special Committee have served a useful purpose. They should be continued. There are. of course, other areas such as the Western Sahara where the right of self-determination of peoples must be exercised in accordance with the letter and spirit of General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV). The United Nations should remain a reliable ally of the people of Western Sahara in their Just struggle for genuine self-determination. The problem of colonialism and racist minority rule is of course, most Glaring and disturbing in southern Africa. Apartheid, that doctrine of white racist supremacy, is ruthlessly practised in South Africa and Namibia. The Pretoria regime has persistently refused to abolish Apartheid and to share political power with the oppressed black majority in South Africa. It has robbed them of their land and exploited them as a source of cheap labour. I The black people toil for the further enrichment, of the white community, while they languish in conditions of abject poverty and misery. South Africa persists in its illegal occupation of Namibia and has virtually annexed the Territory as one of its so-called Bantustans. So far, South Africa has frustrated all attempts to bring about an end to its illegal occupation of Namibia. Obviously, the pressure on South Africa must be maintained until it withdraws from Namibia. Similarly the pressure on South Africa must be maintained until the scourge of apartheid. which enslaves the majority of the people of that country, is eradicated. All in all, the United Nations should remain steadfast in its support for the cause of freedom and independence. PS/17 A/36/PV.73 78-80 Mr. RUPIA (United Republic of Tanzania): Looking back over the 21 years since the adoption of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, ray delegation, and indeed the entire international community, can justly take pride in the efforts expended in ridding the greater part of humanity of the miseries of colonial oppression and alien domination. It is therefore with great pride that we welcome to our midst the new independent States of Vanuatu, Belize and Antigua and Barbuda. Their presence is eloquent testimony to the continued commitment of the United Nations to the ideals of freedom and independence. Content as we are with our hard-won achievements. we should not, however, lose sight of what still lies ahead of us. The United Nations and the international community as a whole are still faced with the pressing problem of the decolonization of Namibia and other so-called small Territories which have yet to exercise their right to self-determination. RM/18 A/36/PV.73 81 (Mr. Rupia, United "Republic of Tanzania) In Namibia today people continue to suffer the atrocities of apartheid and to languish under the colonial oppression perpetrated by the racist regime of South Africa. Years after this Assembly terminated South Africa's Mandate over Namibia, and after the International Court of Justice determines in no uncertain terms that that country's presence in the Territory was illegal. South Africa shows no sign of relinquishing its colonial grip on the Territory. On the contrary, a scheme both to entrench apartheid and to legalize colonialism in the Territory is evidently continuing- These manoeuvres not only binder the realization by the Namibian people of their right to self-determination and Independence, but also facilitate the colonial designs of South Africa. The process of militarization of the Territory, including the establishment of the so-called territorial force, which is based on forced conscription of Namibian youth, is but a process to perpetuate the South African illegal occupation of the Territory. In addition, South Africa has embarked on a deliberate policy of propping up the so-called internal parties and giving them the semblance of legitimacy. As my delegation has had occasion to state in this Assembly, we shall continue to deplore vigorously all such evil designs. We still maintain that South Africa ii in Namibia illegally and that the United Nations has direct responsibility over the Territory. Accordingly, we firmly reject any attempts to minimize the role of the United Nations in the decolonization of Namibia. The continued illegal occupation by South Africa of Namibia demonstrates persistent scorn for humanity and is an enduring challenge to the international community. The acts of State terrorism and armed aggression unleashed by South Africa against the neighbouring front-line States continue to be a matter of great concern to my country. The use of Namibian territory as a springboard for the most blatant armed aggression against Angola must, as a matter of priority, continue to preoccupy this Organization. In standing firm in defence of the right of the people of Namibia to self-determination and independence, this Assembly must continue to call for the total withdrawal of South Africa from that RM/10 A/36/PV.73 82 (Mr. Rupia, United Republic of Tanzania) Territory. Equally, the international community must continue to render all necessary support and assistance to the South West Africa People's Organization, the sole and authentic representative of the Namibian people, so as to ensure the speedy liberation of the Territory, It is a matter of regret that, despite the global consensus against the obnoxious policies of apartheid South Africa, we are reminded almost on a daily basis of the evil nature of that regime by the brutality with which it responds to the demands for freedom by the Namibian people. It is equally regrettable that South Africa continues to demonstrate such intransigence with the active support and understanding of some Western countries. The experiences in Geneva during the Pre-Implementation Meeting earlier this year and the subsequent attempts by the international community to contribute to the speedy independence of Namibia serve to underline the root cause of South African arrogance. As we have had occasion to state in the past, we continue to call for the imposition of economic sanctions against that regime under Chapter VII of the Charter, Amid this dismal state of affairs we have nevertheless demonstrated a spirit. of co-operation with regard toj the recent initiative of the contact group to find a negotiated settlement to the problem. We have, however, made it abundantly clear that should those avenues be blocked, we shall have no alternative but to continue to support the armed struggle. Thus, bearing in mind the importance the international community attaches to the problem of Namibia and the spirit of co-operation with which we have all worked to ensure that the people of Namibia exercise their right to self- ' determination and independence, my delegation sincerely hopes that these initiatives will bear fruit and that an early solution to the problem of Namibia will be arrived at. With respect to the other dependent Territories, I would like to reaffirm our position that the question of territorial size, geography and resources should in no way be an obstacle to the granting of independence to those small RM/13 A/36/PV.73 83 (Mr. Rupia, United Republic of Tanzania) Territories. The right to self-determination is applicable to all. In other words, the inhabitants of all Territories have the right to determine their destiny freely, on conformity with the principles of the Charter and the Declaration. To this end, we call on the administering Powers concerned to co-operate with the Special Committee to. ensure that appropriate recommendations Are made. It is evident from the record of the Committee thus far that it has always aimed at arriving at consensus decisions on matters of direct interest to the people concerned. Before concluding, I should like to join previous speakers in congratulating the Special Committee on decolonization on its commendable work under the untiring and outstanding leadership of Ambassador Frank Abdulah of Trinidad and Tobago. My delegation reiterates its support for the proposals and recommendations contained in the report of the Special Committee and reaffirms my Government's commitment to the total eradication of colonialism, apartheid and racism, in accordance with the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. Mr. ROA KOURI (Cuba)(interpretation from Spanish): The Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples has been quite rightly called the Magna Carta of decolonization. Since its creation, the Special Committee on the implementation of that Declaration has performed commendable work for the freedom and independence of a great many countries and peoples. The work of decolonization is, of course, as yet far from over, as we can see from the continuance of the anti-colonialist struggle in Namibia, in Western Sahara and in Puerto .Rico, among other territories. As every year, the report of the Special Committee contains a decision by that Committee specifically relating to the I satin American people of Puerto Rico. Every year the representative of the United States of America in the Assembly renews his opposition to consideration by the Special Committee of the colonial situation of Puerto Rico. He alleges, on the one hand, that the General Assembly, by IM/16 A/36/PV.73 84-85 (Mr. Roa Kouri, Cuba) resolution 746 (VIII) of 1953, has already recognized that the people of Puerto Rico have exercised their right to self-determination and that Puerto Rico has therefore been removed from the list of Non-Self-Governing Territories. BG/19 A/36/PV.73 06 (Mr, Roa Kouri, Cuba) On the other hand, he alleges that the Committee violates Article 2 of the United Nations Charter when it considers this case, since in so doing it is intervening in the purely domestic affairs of the United States. It is quite true that Puerto Rico ceased to figure on the list of Non-Self-Governing Territories in 1953 when resolution 748 (VIII) was adopted, nevertheless , that was solely the result of the automatic majority which the United States Government at that time enjoyed in the General Assembly - seven years before the start of the decolonization process in Africa and other continents and before the adoption of General Assembly resolution 15l4 (XV). Despite this, a significant number of countries opposed or refrained from voting on that resolution. The arguments used by North American colonialists are clearly fallacious, for the following reasons. First, the fact that Puerto Rico is no longer on the list of Non-Self-Governing Territories does not and cannot legally prevent the Special Committee from considering its case, since the Committee's mandate empowers it to consider the situation of all those Territories to which the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, contained in resolution 1514 (XV), is applicable. Secondly, the assertion that the people of Puerto Rico has exercised its right to self-determination is historically false, as we shall see later on. In the light of resolution 1514 (XV) itself, all the acts in the alleged exercise of the inalienable right to self-determination by the people of Puerto Rico are null and void because the administering Power did not previously transfer all powers to the people of the Territory so that it could exercise their freely. as operative paragraph 5 of the resolution requires. A brief summary of the facts will demonstrate our case. Puerto Rico was occupied militarily by the United States in 1898 following the so-called Spanish-American War, and Spain ceded the Territory under the Treaty of Paris. On 12 April 1900 the United States Congress adopted the first Organic Law of Puerto Rico, behind the back and regardless of the Puerto Rican people, which at that time had no voice or vote in the United States Congress. BG/19 A/36/PV.73 87-90 (Mr. Roa Kouri, Cuba) Today, supposedly, it has a voice, but nevertheless it still has no vote. The Foraker Lav and the Jones Law,, which governed the rights of Puerto Rico in the first decades of the century, affirmed the supremacy of the will of the United States President and Congress over that of the Legislative Assembly in the Island. Furthermore, the Jones Law, adopted on 2 March 1917, imposed United States citizenship upon the people of Puerto Rico despite the express wishes of its Chamber of Delegates, which in a memorandum of 12 March 1914 addressed to the Yankee President and Congress stated unanimously: “we firmly and completely maintain our opposition to the declaration, despite our express wishes and without our consent, of citizenship of any country other than that of our own beloved country, which God has granted to us as an inalienable and inviolable right." In 1921 President Harding appointed Mr. E. Montgomery Reilly Governor of Puerto Rico., who, when he took up his office clearly showed his opposition to the desire for independence expressed at that time by the majority Unionist Party when he said "If the majority of the people of Puerto Rico wants a change of Government, I would suggest that it calls for statehood and ceases to pursue a lost hope." Halfway through the 1930s all the Puerto Rican parties, with the exception of the minority so-called Socialist Party - which should not be confused in any fashion with the Puerto Rican Socialist Party of today - combined with Don Pedro Albizu Campos, the President of the Nationalist Party and the legitimate heir to the libertarian thinking of Hostes and Betanzes, and convened a constituent assembly to proclaim the Republic of Puerto Rico. Nevertheless, in June 1936 the United .States District Court of San Juan ordered the arrest of Albizu Campos and other leaders of the Nationalist Party, sentencing them to six years' imprisonment in Federal gaols and thereby postponing indefinitely - until the .moon turns blue a the convening of the constituent assembly. After a suspicious Journey to Washington in 1939 - as was customary among the lackeys of the period in order to carry out the instructions of their Yankee masters - Mr. Luis Munoz Marin founded in July 1940 the so called Popular Democratic Party, which although it vaguely proclaimed its adherence to the ideals of independence, nevertheless advocated what is still called commonwealth status. MP/alv/Jlc A/36/PV.73 91 (Mr. Roa Kouri, Cuba) when in January 1946 the Legislative Assembly of Puerto Rico adopted a law calling for a referendum whereby the people would express its preference for independence, statehood or Commonwealth status, that law was vetoed by Governor Rexford Guy Tug well. When the veto in the Assembly was overridden by a two-thirds majority the law was abrogated once and for all by President Harry S. Truman, who argued that it would be unfair to permit the people of Puerto Rico to express its preference for one or other status that the United States Congress might not choose to grant it - I emphasize ,;that the United States Congress might not choose to grant it". In other words, the Puerto Rican people could only freely determine what the United States Congress had previously decided for it. Let us look at the famous referendum of 3 March 1952, which has already been mentioned here today and which the United States uses as the basis for stating that the Puerto Rican people has exercised its right to self-determination. That referendum called for the Puerto Rican people to express its approval or disapproval of the so-called Commonwealth Constitution of Puerto Rico. Out of a total 996,726 possible voters, 763,610 Puerto Rican adults were registered to participate in that referendum, nevertheless, only 463,828 - or 46.5 per cent of the total population of voting age - voted, 373,594 voted for the Constitution and 82,877 opposed it. In other words, according to official statistics, 81 per cent voted in favour, and 18 per cent voted against. But, if we look at the total number of potential voters in Puerto Rico - 996,726 person: the real results of the referendum are as follows: 37.5 per cent in favour, 8 per cent against and 53.5 per cent abstaining. This means that 53.5 per cent of the total electorate did not take part in the voting in that referendum. I suppose that the representative of the United States will stress the great triumph of commonwealth statue in that referendum. But, considering that in his country the President was elected by only 26 per cent of the voters, the figure achieved by its colonial puppet in Puerto Rico must seem overwhelming. MP/alv/Jlc A/36/PV.73 92 (Mr. Roa Kouri, Cuba) In 1978 President Carter stated in his proclamation on the legal and political status of Puerto Rico that: …any decision which the Puerto Rican people chooses to make - statehood, independence, commonwealth status or mutually agreed changes in status - will be up to the Puerto Rican people, in accordance with its peaceful, democratic traditions." Be that as it may, article IV, section 3, of the United States Constitution grants the United States Congress sole authority to dispose of territory and other United States property. Pursuant to that clause, the terms of any specific proposal to alter the relationship with Puerto Rico must be subject to congressional approval. In other words, only the United States Congress as the power to decide the destiny of the people of Puerto Rico - not the resident of the United States, much less the people of Puerto Rico. If Puerto Rico really had, as United States representatives allege, the right to self-determination, the United States Congress would be unable to revoke the decisions of the people of Puerto Rico. If, however, the Congress is able to decide the future of Puerto Rico, as the United States Constitution clearly states, its people has no right freely to determine its own future. The inevitable conclusion - and I do not think that anyone with any common sense can challenge it - is that the people of Puerto Rico has never had the sovereign right to decide its own future, because sovereignty has away been and continues to be exercised by the Congress of the United States of America. The present status of Puerto Rico is purely and simply colonial, and this has been stated even by the annexationist Governor, Romero Barceló - not "Barcela”, as the United States representative called him this morning, which shows how veil they know even their own puppets - who created a committee for decolonization. . ' MP/alv/jlc A/36/PV-T3 93-95 (Mr. Roa Kouri, Cuba) - ; Moreover, that it not proclaimed by only Mr. Romero Barceló, all the political parties in Puerto Rico and all its social and cultural institutions; this year the majority of the members of the Special Committee reaffirmed by 14 votes to none, with 10 abstentions, the inalienable right of the people of Puerto Rico to self determination and independence, pursuant to resolution 1514 (XV) and the full force of that resolution with regard to Puerto Rico. And by 16 votes to 2, with 6 abstentions, the Committee decided to keep the question of Puerto Rico under consideration. Incidentally , there were 11 votes in favour of the resolution as a whole, not 105 we were not credited with that eleventh vote. NR/bhg A/36/PV.73 96 (Mr. Roa Kouri, Cuba) Lastly, my delegation Relieves that it is not only relevant for the Special Committee to continue to consider the colonial case of Puerto Rico. That consideration is supported by the majority of the people of Puerto Rico*, furthermore, they want the question to be considered at the thirty-seventh session of the General Assembly as recommended in the draft resolution adopted by the Committee on 20 August 198l. In this connexion, I should like to refer briefly to the amendment to draft resolution A/36/L.20 circulated today by the united States. I presume that all representatives have copies of it and therefore I do not need to read it out. For the first time in the history of the work of the Special Committee a delegation is proposing an amendment to a draft resolution calling for the adoption of the report on a question already decided by a vote in the Special Committee. The amendment proposed by the United States creates a dangerous precedent for the future work of the Committee in any of its fields of work and indeed questions its right to take decisions and to make recommendations on questions within its clear terms of reference, as I am quite sure the Chairman of the Committee, Ambassador Abdulah, and all the ether members will not have failed to notice. Therefore I state now the firm opposition of my delegation to this United State: amendment. I apologize for the length of my statement but I think it is well worth while for this Assembly really to learn about the question of Puerto Rico. Mr. ADDABASNI (Libyan Arab Jamahiriya) (interpretation from Arabic): The adoption by the General Assembly in 1960 of resolution 1514 (XV), containing the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, was an important stage in the Struggle of peoples against colonialism and racism. Each year more countries become Members of this Organization, which confirms that the process of decolonization continues despite the many obstacles placed in its path. NH/bhg A/36/PV.73 97 (Mr. Addabashi, Libyan Arab Jamahiriya) My delegation welcomes the efforts that have been mode and are still being made by the Special Committee, We support the Committee and we should like to pay a tribute to its Chairman, Mr. Abdulah, the Ambassador of Trinidad and Tobago. Despite the sustained efforts made by the Special Committee in particular and the United Nations in general and despite the good results achieved in the field of decolonization, many peoples still suffer under the yoke of colonialism and racism, and still suffer from the denial of freedom, as is the case particularly in Namibia, South Africa and Palestine. The implementation of the Declaration continues to encounter several obstacles which have slowed down the accession of several peoples to independence. Among those obstacles we could mention, first of all, the activities of foreign economic interests. The imperialist countries with economic interests in colonial Territories do not wish those Territories to accede to independence and do not wish the national regimes to achieve power in those Territories, for this would put an end to the plundering carried out by the transnational corporations and it would be detrimental to the interests of those corporations. That is why those countries resort to every possible means to maintain their hold over those Territories. Even if those countries are not the ones that colonized the Territories, they enable other countries to maintain their domination over the Territories through I the exchange of benefits. The result is that the colonial peoples must confront the forces of colonialism and the forces of the foreign economic interests in the Territories. Secondly, bases, installation and military activities of imperialist countries in the colonial Territories constitute a means of intimidating the peoples in those Territories to prevent them from expressing their aspirations to freedom and independence. Thirdly, there are several examples of the abuse of the right of the veto in the Security Council, including the use of the veto by three Western countries during the discussion of the question of Namibia in the Security Council in the first half of this year. NR/bhg A/36/PV.73 98-100 (Mr, Addabashi, Libyan Arab Jamahiriya) The international community is facing a brutal challenge from the racist regime of South Africa, which is continuing its illegal occupation of Namibia despite all the resolutions of the United Nations and other international organizations. The racist regime of South Africa is not satisfied with continuing its occupation. It goes so far as to carry out a policy of aggression and provocation in Namibia and in southern Africa in general. In Namibia that regime is resorting to every means to impose a puppet regime on the Territory. It mobilizes citizens of Namibia by force, making them serve in the puppet government against their brothers, members of SWAFO and against neighbouring African countries. MLG/mcb/nh A/36/PV.73 101 (Mr. Addabashi, Libyan Arab Jamahiriya)" The racist regime has stepped up its acts of oppression within Namibia. It has expanded its aggression against the front-line countries. Its aggression against Angola has become occupation of a part of Angolan territory. The policy of apartheid practised by the South African regime in Namibia as well as within South Africa itself and the bolstering of its military and nuclear capacity thanks to the assistance of the United States of America, the Zionist entity in occupied Palestine and several Western countries, are a threat to international peace and security. Furthermore, that encourages the racist regime of South Africa to delay the accession to independence of the people of Namibia. The imposition of mandatory economic sanctions by the Security Council is the only measure which can end that situation and allow the Namibian people to exercise its right to self-determination and Independence, in accordance with the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. As for the pas LI Ron-Self-Governing Territories, we are pleased to see that this year the General Assembly has confirmed that the small size of a Territory, its geographical isolation, its limited natural resources or the number of its population should not delay the implementation of the Declaration or the exercise by the peoples of those Territories of their right i to self-determination. In that respect, we support all the recommendations made by the Special Committee, including its decision to submit the question of Puerto Rico to the General Assembly at its next session. We ask that the imperialist countries refrain from any manoeuvres which would create' obstacles to the speediest possible implementation of the Declaration. That Declaration is applicable to all Territories under foreign domination. The role of the United Nations in eliminating colonialism is an important one. My delegation hopes that the efforts made by the Organization will culminate in success and that colonialism will be eliminated in the near future - this colonialism MLG/mcb/ah A/36/PV.73 102 (Mr.. Addabashi. Libyan Arab Jamahiriya) which represents the occupation of Territories and the domination of peoples, as well as the plundering of their wealth - so that our Organization may devote all of its energies to the elimination of neo-colonialism, which takes the * , shape of political hegemony and economic and cultural dependency imposed on the peoples of small countries. The United Nations could then adopt measures similar to those provided for in the Declaration, The purpose of those measures would be to liberate the peoples of the entire world from neo-colonialism, whose field is widening with the increase in the number of newly independent countries. The successes gained by peoples fighting in many areas of the world confirm the inevitability of victory, the victory of the will of peoples, and the end of colonialism - however long it may last and whatever the oppression used by it against the subjugated peoples. The international community is in duty bound to increase its assistance and support to colonial peoples and to their national liberation movements, in order to eliminate colonialism once and for all. The United Nations must not be deceived by the methods used by some imperialist countries which, when they are compelled to withdraw from a Territory, intensify their manoeuvres under the slogan of "peaceful settlement" in a desperate attempt to undermine the genuine national liberation movements and to impose solutions which result in the accession to power of regimes which serve the interests of imperialism and depends on them entirely. My country feels that its own freedom cannot be total as long as some countries remain subjugated by imperialism. He support the struggle of these peoples, and we shall continue to do so by every means available to us, military or material, until all peoples on earth finally gain their independence and all their rights are restored. The PRESIDENT: We have heard the last speaker in the debate on agenda item 19. I shall now call on the representative of Egypt to speak on a point of order. MLG/mcb/nh A/36/PV.73 103-105 Mr. ZAKI (Egypt) (interpretation from Arabic): Although Egypt is one of the sponsors of draft resolution A/36/L.20, my delegation would like to register its complete disagreement with the interpretation given by the Rapporteur of the Committee of 24 this morning - namely, that adoption of the Committee's report would mean adopting the recommendation contained in paragraph 87 of part I of the Committee's report, regarding discussion by the General Assembly of what it calls "The question of Puerto Rico" during the thirty-seventh session. BHS/alv/se A/36/PV.73 106 (Mr. Zaki, Egypt.) *'.-; . Operative paragraph 5 of the draft resolution now before the Assembly does not contain any such recommendation- As members know, the General Assembly has very clearly defined rules of procedure for the inclusion of items on the agenda. Recommendations by the Rapporteur of the Special Committee are not part of the procedure as set out in rules 20 to 24 and such a practice would cause complex problems. Furthermore, the recommendation in no way reflects the consensus reached by the members of the Special Committee of 24. On the contrary, most of the members of the Special Committee did not approve this recommendation. The Egyptian delegation does not accept the interpretation of that draft resolution, of which we are a co-sponsor, given by the Rapporteur of the Special Committee. His interpretation is not in accordance with the formulation which is to be found in the draft resolution and is not in accordance with the policy of my country. The PRESTDENT: I call on the representative of the United States to introduce an amendment to the draft resolution contained in document A/36/L.20. Mr. SHERMAN (United States of America): With the statement of the Rapporteur this morning concerning paragraph 37 of chapter I of the report of the Special Committee of 2k a new draft resolution was in effect put before the Assembly. The Rapporteur in effect introduced an unwritten amendment to the text of draft resolution A/36/L.20, namely, that the Assembly decides to inscribe a new item on its agenda for the thirty-seventh session. There appears to be considerable confusion as a result. We do not believe that the sponsors of that draft resolution really believe that the draft resolution says what it does not say. If they do, they should amend their text and put the issue honestly and squarely before this Assembly. My delegation sees no basis for the Rapporteur's contention that the General Assembly, despite its rules of procedure and its established practices, simply by approving the report of a subsidiary body, could commit itself to include a totally new and controversial item on its agenda. BHS/alv A/36/PV.73 107 (Mr. Sherman. United States) My delegation has submitted an amendment in document A/36/L.30 to clear up this confusion. The amendment makes it perfectly clear that the Assembly, in approving the report of the Committee and its future programme of work, has taken no decision on the controversial recommendation in the Committee's decision on Puerto Rico. It does not attempt to do more than clarify this point and it in no way constitutes a derogation of the Committee's authority or responsibility. The PRESIDENT: Members have heard the statement of the representative of the United States, who has Just introduced an amendment. In accordance with rule 78 of the rules of procedure, the voting on draft resolution A/36/L.20 and the amendment thereto contained in document A/36/L.30, and on draft resolution A/36/L.21 will take place on the morning of Tuesday., 1 December. Therefore, statements in explanation of vote before the vote will be heard at that time, I call on tile representative of Sierra Leone, presumably on a point of order, Mr. KORMA (Sierra Leone): I have asked to speak because I had the privilege this morning of introducing draft resolution A/36/L.20. I should like to state, in view of what the representative of the United States has Just said, that it is our understanding that this draft resolution and its possible adoption would not run counter to the rules of procedure. The PESIDENT; There remains one matter concerning the present agenda item which I should like to bring to the Assembly's attention. Document A/36/626 contains a letter addressed to the President of the General Assembly regarding the decision of the Government of Denmark to withdraw from membership of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples as from 31 December 1981. BHS/alv/sc A/36/PV.73 108 (The President) I should like to propose that Norway be nominated a member of the Special Committee, with effect from 1 January 1982, to fill the vacancy caused by the withdrawal of Denmark. May I take it that the General Assembly confirms that nomination? It was so decided. PROGRAMME OF WORK The PRESIDENT: On Friday morning, 27 November, the Assembly will first consider the two items that were not taken up this morning for lack of time, namely, agenda item 21, entitled "Return or restitution of cultural property to the countries of origin", and agenda item 133. entitled "Declaration of a Peace Year, a Peace Month and a Peace Day". The Assembly will then begin its consideration of agenda item 32, entitled "Policies of apartheid of the Government of South Africa". It is our intention to propose that the list of speakers in the debate on that item be closed at five o'clock on Friday afternoon so that we may determine how many meetings should be allocated to the consideration of the item in the very limited time at our disposal. Extended afternoon meetings next week. have already been scheduled for The meeting rose at 6.50 p.m.